Easter: Patron Goddess of children

 

                                                                                    By Gary G. Stanfield, 29 April 2001

 

Based in part on a previous article by the present author, published in 2000: “Easter and the Lore of Giants”. Lina, 5 (Ostara): 6-16.

 

Easter was a regional wight of exceptional popularity. In ancient England, Francia, and Germany the people observed an Easter month (Gundarsson, 1993e). Today most Wiccans include Her in their pantheon, English- and German-speaking Christians are unable in their hearts to avoid Her, and even agnostics and atheists often are drawn to superficial celebrations of Her. She is an extraordinarily appealing wight, with a special place in the hearts of many people for centuries past, for the present, and likely into the very distant future. However, Easter’s great emotional importance is accom­panied by vagueness in our understanding of Her.

 


An Overview of the Paradox

The Venerable Bede’s De Tempor­um Rationae tells us that She was a “dea” — Latin for “goddess”, but Bede tells us nothing of Her jurisdiction(s) nor function(s) (see Jones, 1943: Chapter 15: “De Mensibus Anglorum”; Lord, 1998). Therefore, some authorities are admittedly not quite sure what are Her jurisdictions or functions.

 

Easter presents us with an unusual situation regarding lore of a deity. Usually, we know of a Teutonic goddess or god mostly from myths and partly from sagas, archeological finds, place names, and folk tales. Usually customs of worship have been long ago discarded and forgotten, and we have little or no evidence regarding ceremonial treatment. In contrast, Easter’s enduring popularity has preserved at least some of the customs of Her worship into modern times, but there is no mythic, archeological, nor place-name evidence that She was in any Germanic pantheon.

 

This unusual situation is itself evidence. How is it that there is only one major Teutonic deity whose ceremonies have survived in widespread observance with explicit connection to that deity’s name? How does it happen that a deity with persistent and widespread popularity left behind none of the usual sculpture, myths, or signs of formal places of wor­ship? The answer to these questions will greatly clarify our understanding of Easter. But first, let us consider etymolo­gical evidence and find out what She is most probably not.

Etymological Evidence

Some respected authorities infer that She is a goddess of spring, dawn, the direction East, shining, fertility, and/or rebirth. In large part this is because Easter’s names in Old English (Easter, Eastor, Eastre, Eoster) and Old High German (Ostara) are etymologically associated with the east, with shining, and with dawn (Bos­worth and Toller, 1898; 1921; Brown, 1987; Houghton Mifflin, 1993: 1585; Jones, 1943: Chapter 15: “De Mensibus Anglorum”; Lord, 1998).

 

However, East, shining, dawn, and spring are not divine functions in the Teutonic system. They are giant’s associa­tions — things that occur automatically. A goddess would have mitigated or otherwise modified these functions, but would not have performed them. For example, Njorð might calm sea waves, but the giant Ægir was the wight of the sea. However we know that She must have had goddess func­tions, for in neither the Old Norse nor Old English culture was there a giant who would have had a holiday. Therefore, etymological evidence regarding Easter contra­dicts what we know of typical divine functions in the Teutonic system (Stanfield, 2001a).

 

Was Easter not a goddess? Were there were two Easters? Or is the etymological evidence misleading as regards Easter? Let us look closer at the evidence.

 

Consider the nature of etymological argument.

 

One infers the ancestry of a word based on its structure — spelling, grammar, and/or pronunciation. Also taken into account are similari­ties between the focal word and words in other languages. Thus, words in known languages are used to deduce words in ancestor languages, which are no longer spoken, and which have left little or no litera­ture. On this basis a “family tree” of languages or words can be made. For example, Indo-European language is considered to be an ancestor of modern Celtic, Germanic, Romance, and other languages. However, there is no surviving literature in Indo-European. Its former existence is inferred from similarities and dissimilarities among, Greek, Norwegian, Sanskrit, French, and many other languages.

 

From this inferred family tree of languages, further inferences may be drawn regarding the meaning of a word that seems related to a branch in the family tree of words. For example “Easter” derives from the Indo-European root word “*aus-”, as are modern-language words for east and other things (Houghton-Mifflin, 1993). Carrying this line of thought out further, we would expect all words with related pronunciation to have closely-related meanings.

 

At times, etymological analyses can be helpful. When we lack adequate knowledge of the meaning of a word, etymo­logy can be used with contextual clues to define that word. Also, etymological reasoning can help reveal the systematic structure of an observed language and there­fore make it easier to learn.

 

However, there are certain weaknesses in etymological analysis. Etymolo­gical conclusions regarding the meaning of a word are based in part on the assumption that structurally similar words have very similar or identical meanings. Also, etymological inference would predict that a word would faithfully reflect its ancestry. Following are a few examples where firmly-known definitions of words contradict inferences that would be drawn from etymolo­gical analysis.

 

The Modern English adjective “virtual” derives from the Latin noun “veritas”. However, if you were to infer that “virtual” meant anything like what “veritas” means, you would err horribly. “Virtual” means “almost or very similar to” — in other words, not quite real or true. More deceptive than actual is that which is “virtual” — as in “virtual reality”. The Latin noun means “truth, truthful­ness, real life, reality, honesty...” — in other words, the Latin term implies the opposite of the Modern English “virtual” (Glare, 1976; Houghton-Mifflin 1993).

 

Another example of how a word may carry only meanings which differ from those of its parent is our Modern English “technology”. This word derives from ancient Greek words “skill” and “the study of”. Therefore, the uses of this word closest to such  roots would refer to a body of knowledge or practice of inquiry. However, we never use “technol­ogy” to refer to knowledge or to the study of skill. The word prac­tically always refers to equipment, to substances such as plastics or drugs, or to computer programs. On rare occa­sions “technology” may also refer to methods of working.

 

In Old English, "nerian" is a verb meaning to save, protect, liberate, or rescue. This word is etymologically related to the Modern German "nähren", which means to nourish. If you were to infer the meaning of one of these words from the meaning of the other, you would be deceived.

 

In Old Norse, "vé" is a modifier denoting "holy" or a noun denoting priest, house, sanctuary, temple, court of law, or woe. The ON "vé" can also refer to an emblem or standard. In Old High German, the etymologically-related "wih" means temple. In Gothic, "weih" or "weihs" means holy. The Old English "wih" denotes an idol. These words are similar and probably derived from a common root word, but their meanings are not quite the same, and the Old Norse term is more ambiguous than others in this group. More­over, the words in that group are structurally similar to another group: Old Saxon and Old English "wig", Icelandic “vig”, and Gothic “waiho”. These words refer to intense struggles, such as war or battle, or to valor.

 

In Old English, there is the term “orþanc”, which does not strictly reflect its apparent ancestry. It appears to combine the notions of  “ur” (original, ultimate) and “þanc” (thought). However, actual uses in early medieval docu­ments refer to fore­thought, skill, intelligence, or mechanical art. Orþanc is similar in meaning to the struc­turally dis­similar ancient Greek "techne", denoting art or skill.

 

Therefore, etymological evidence tends to be somewhat speculative. We cannot say for sure that structural similar­ities between words are correlated with their meanings. Where there is other evidence — as in the case of Easter —  etymological analyses must be considered subordinate.

 

Thus, the etymological inference that Easter is a wight with giant-type jurisdictions can be discarded, for it contradicts other evidence. (A) She was widely and enthusiastically celebrated or worshipped. (B) Wights with giant-type jurisdictions were not openly celebrated or worshipped often enough or seriously enough that we can find evidence of such worship. Moreover, (C) evidence regarding Her ceremonial treatment implies a function appropriate to a great goddess.

 

Ceremonial Treatment

Surviving folk customs give us some idea of how Easter’s holiday was celebrated during this month. However, there was something very odd about this festival, for it was cele­brated with games, but not with formal Pagan sacrifices.

For example, Bede wrote that in the third lunar month, Hredmonaþ, the Pagans used to sacrifice to their goddess Hreda. However, he wrote that the Pagans celebrated Easter — pointedly omitting mention of sacrifice (Jones, 1943).

 

This examination of ceremonial treatment is broken down into four categories. Celebrations of Easter are examined to show that they imply an absence of the usual Pagan formulas. Then formal places of worship and magical rituals are briefly discussed ― these also seem absent from Easter’s ceremonial treatment. All this shows that Her ceremonies were designed for participation by children.

 

The Nature of Sacrifice

I will begin with a brief overview of sacrifice to show how it does not resemble Easter celebrations. The general purpose of holy sacrifice is to give something back to the recipients and acknowledge some kind of responsibility toward them.

 

There are two kinds of acts we can consider holy sacrifice.

 

One kind of sacrifice we may call physical-loss sacrifice, for there is a loss on the part of the giver. Some substance, object, or wight is formally blessed or dedicated ― often by a full-time priest or priestess. Then that which has been set aside may be taken to an altar and destroyed or slaughtered. The sacrifice might also be left out next to a bush, stuffed into an idol, etc. In other words, that which is given is exclusively of no use to the divine recipient. An example would be pouring out a dedicated drink on the ground. This type of sacrifice is common in Mediterranean religions.

 

Another kind of “sacrifice”, described in detail in The Saga of Hakon the Good, involves the giver getting plenty of use out of that which is “sacrificed”. Here it is the givers and temple objects that are blessed, and the slaughtered livestock are eaten by the celebrants. Often blood would be smeared on an altar; sometimes a less-edible part, such as the head, would be placed in a pit or buried. The emphasis here is on sharing with the divine. Sacrifices of this sort seem especially Teutonic. Like physical loss, a sharing sacrifice would involve elaborate and precise ritual. (See Chisholm, 1993; Hollander, 1964: Owen, 1985: 43-48; 107; Stanfield, 1999c; Thorsson, 1992: 45-51; Turville-Petre, 1964; Welch, 1992: 40; for comparison, see Catholic Church, 1987: Leviticus, Chapters 22, 23, and 27).

 

Easter Celebrations

Celebrations of Easter seem not to be descended from sacrifices of either the sharing or simple giving type. Instead, the emphasis is on consumption. There is no emphasis on formal dedication, and rituals tend to be primitive. These rituals. Of the spring-time celebratory rituals of Teutonic Europe, we know little that would have been clearly associ­ated with Easter except this: people played with their food, then ate it. These celebrations are not technically very demanding and do not require much knowledge of mythic lore. There is at most a primitive sense of relating to a spiritual being.

 

Consider the Easter egg. Although we see people following an ancient custom of eating eggs to celebrate Easter, those incredible edibles are not blessed nor dedicated. Decoration is likely vestigial dedication, but if so, the ancient dedica­tion must not have been elaborate and precise. Otherwise, we would commonly see official Christian forms of egg dedication. Also, eggs are often rolled or hidden-and-sought in play, but these are not precise and somber ceremonies. In other words, the ancient Pagan egg ceremonies were as easy as child’s play.

 

Hares and rabbits are often mentioned in Easter-time celebrations. However, participants in these rituals do without relating rabbits to Jesus. Not relating rabbits or hares to Jesus (the ultimate sacrifice in Christianity) implies that rabbits and hares were not sacrificed with the usual formalities in ancient times.

 

Gundarsson mentions squirrel hunting as a part of German spring ceremonies. These hunts culminated in rock-throwing, not in killing with the most lethal weapons of the day. Therefore, the hunts would have been safe for small children, if not very effective. Also, there seems to have been no formal ritual of dedication nor blessing in these hunts (Gundarsson, 1993a; Gundarsson, 1993e).

 

Formal Places of Worship

Judging from place names, Her rituals seem not to have involved temples nor dedicated open spaces. That is, there are no surviving place names to indicate that She had facilities which would have required maintenance by adults.

 

We would expect that a deity who was very popular over a large expanse of territory would have many place names indicating particular loci of worship, and this is the case for other Teutonic deities (for example, see Stanfield, 1998c and 1999c). Since Easter was observed in all Germanic lands outside Scandinavia, we would expect that She would have at least several surviving place names.

 

The absence of place names relating to this deity implies a lack of any kind of formal organization to maintain facili­ties, supplies, or equipment. In turn this implies the lack of a part-time or full-time clergy dedicated to Her.

 

Since a clergy to maintain facilities and equipment would not need to be dedicated to Her exclusively, we may reasonably infer that the worship of Easter explicitly excluded those formalities which would require such facilities or staff to maintain them. Given the warning in the Old English Rune Poem against the distractions of “filigree”, we may also reasonably suspect that Her constituency would have been particularly susceptible to such distraction. This vulnerability would have been due to a lack of maturity. (Regarding the distractions of method and equipment, see Stanfield, 2000c). Of course, this does not preclude attention and supervision by adults.

 

Magic

Easter customs do not emphasize magic directed at future gain or performance. Do the egg-related activities celebrate or magically invoke fertility? Consider again Easter egg customs, which involve using up present resources — sometimes blowing out the edible insides and discarding them — for present joy. The future chicken, which would be of greater value than the present egg, is foregone. This kind of play and consumption lacks elements of imitative or contagious magic and does not imply a metaphor for springtime agricultural activities such as planting. Do children hunt rabbits to gain personal fertility, or is that kind of fertility not appropriate for their ages?

 

Appropriateness for Children

Easter celebrations were (and still are) very appropriate for small children. In such customs we see a solemnity which is not very sober and does not look to the future. We see celebrations which are not determined, disciplined, investing, combative, nor formal. Instead the celebration of Easter is uninhibited, childlike, child-friendly, parent-friendly, and generally user-friendly (exoteric and informal). Mom does not have to work as much in the kitchen (although she may), for she can make the kids boil eggs and the whole family will love it. It is safe. Celebration of Easter does not demand the skill, discipline, nor attention span necessary for elaborate and precise ceremony. It does not require deep under­stand­ing of allegory nor metaphor. It does not demand the strength, coordination or knowledge necessary to ritually slaughter and butcher a major livestock animal. It does not demand having much in the way of resources of your own to sacri­fice. It is possible that springtime fire ceremonies were Easter celebrations, but if so they would have made rituals very different from the rest of what we know about this holiday. They would also have required supervision or exclusive participation by respon­sible adolescents or adults.

 

Conclusions

In conclusion: Her celebration was (and still is) a family-oriented affair and a break from the usual round of more serious and more adult-oriented holy days Her celebration was (and still is) a break for adults and a treat for children.

 

Personal Names

Our modern personal name “Esther” derives from a Biblical character, a Persian Jewish queen whose “Esther” was based on the Farsi “sitareh” (star). Thus, “Esther” is not derived from the Teutonic goddess’ name (Houghton Mifflin Company, 1993. We cannot discern that anyone was dedicated to Her, although naming people after other deities was common (for example, see Stanfield, 1999c).

 

If no one was dedicated to Her, this situation would be consistent with Her being a patron goddess of people in a certain phase of life, and having no other major functions.

 

Further Inferences

It would be helpful to provide an aspect of religion appro­priate for children but so clearly meant for them that they would eventually leave it behind as they leave behind their favorite childhood games. This would imply a deity func­tion­ing something like the training wheels on a bicycle.

 

In general, the thrust of Teutonic Pagan religion – as of any true religion – is that its members should be even more responsible, self-disciplined, happy, and effective adults than they would have been without the religion. In short, it is an extra boost for people who have attained maturity. Our pantheon and myths show this emphasis of our religion, as does what we know of ancient Teutonic religious ceremony.

 

However, the major thrust of religion leaves little room for people who are in very early stages of maturation. The extra boost from religion cannot do much for them, and they may find adult religion beyond their knowledge or understand­ing.

 

Moreover, since children often fail to understand the deeper complexities of religion, there can be harm from an early introduction. They may infer that the exoteric aspects they perceive are all there is to religion and later turn away from it or practice it without true understanding.

 

But when we see how Easter was celebrated, we see a rare goddess of a kinder, gentler, and less demanding kind. More like a grandparent than a typical goddess, Easter did not require — and probably did not allow — sacrifices, temples, dedicated groves or hills, nor a formal cult separate from any high other deity’s cult.

 

That Her popularity survived early Christianization may be another clue, for it is one thing to tell adults that some of their favorite deities are demons. It is quite another to repeatedly tell large numbers of very small children that their favorite and patron deity is a demon or the devil in disguise.

 

Therefore She must be the sort of goddess that children of both genders could relate to directly, whether or not they had been dedicated to another patron deity or understood an adult deity. You can be Hers and She can be yours even if you have to have your mother help you to make a phone call or to tie your shoes. But she would be a goddess no adoles­cent, adult, nor aged person would likely completely abandon, just as we never abandon our fond memories of childhood games or friends.

 

She might have had other functions, such as assisting natural or agricultural fertility, or assisting with processes in early stages. If so, Easter’s worship would have harkened back to earlier and physically poorer times, when nomadism and/or technological conditions would have hindered the more formal religion of peasant or industrial societies. How­ever, this would imply a cult of very dedicated purists or fundamentalists. Even if these people were mild-mannered and reticent as a matter of policy, they would surely have had the energy and determination to leave at least a small but very distinctive mark on society as witches, Essenes, and others have done. Vestiges of Easter worship in modern times imply the existence of no such cult. If She were a goddess of begin­nings, She would be the goddess of early stages of human lives.

Conclusions

Easter is very unlike other deities. This is because other deities are oriented toward adults and adult functioning, while She demands no more than small children can give.

 

She is the means by which the very young are integrated into Teutonic Polytheism, and She is their protector and special friend. Perhaps no other religion has anyone like Her, and it is well that She has a special and very enduring place in our hearts!

 

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