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Friday, May 18, 2007
Worth reading Paperwight ("Paperwight's Fair Shot"), Who Will Rid Me of This Meddlesome Priest? -- The Bush Administration handpicked know-nothing Party apparatchiks to fill every possible political appointment they could find, and turned them loose on the executive branch with 'guidance' from Karl Rove. I expect that guidance generally took the form of "expressions of concern" regarding certain "districts" or "issues". Policy and personnel decisions were made in the fuzzy apparatchik cloud and then the shaft bolt lashed out of the cloud and struck someone in the civil service. No chain of command, no accountability, no procedure. Everyone just sort of knew what had to be done -- they were all picked because they knew in advance what "had to be done" to serve the Party.Marc Lynch, interviewed by Ken Silverstein of Harper's Magazine -- At the same time, neither Al Qaeda as an organization nor bin Laden as an individual is commanding a great deal of respect or support. When you get these attacks in Algeria and Morocco, it repels people rather than attracting them. But the paradox is that even as Al Qaeda repels people with its actions, its core ideas are becoming more widely accepted, and that’s really troubling, and a real indictment of American public diplomacy. That’s also why the situation in Iraq is so devastating at the wider regional and global level. Killing people in Morocco and Algeria triggers a negative reaction, but fighting Americans in Iraq resonates with a much wider part of the Arab population.Jonathan Schwarz ("Tiny Revolution") in Mother Jones: "No Congress, No Peace" -- What, then, would a serious congressional strategy to block a war with Iran look like? Constitutional scholars and congressional staff agree there's no one magic answer. The alarming truth is that 220 years after the adoption of the Constitution, there are few settled answers about what legal powers the executive branch possesses to start a war. But there are several steps Congress could take to make a war with Iran politically very difficult for the White House.Andrew Sullivan, The Atlantic Monthly, Torture, Moral Vanity, and Freedom -- Even a prisoner in a small cell can stand and walk a little, can breathe on his own, has the capacity to tend to his own bodily functions, and to think or pray. Torture is designed to rob him of all these last shreds of liberty. It takes control of his body and soul and by the use of physical or psychological coercion, rids him of any real freedom at all. It puts him into the abyss of tyranny on a personal scale. And any man or woman who is given the license to torture and any man or woman who grants the right to torture is definitionally a tyrant over another person. There is no state more abject than the man broken on the waterboarding rack, or frozen to near death, or forced to stand for days on end, or hooded and strapped to shackles in a ceiling, or having his legs pulpified by repeated beating, or forced to eat pork and drink alcohol against religious strictures. Everything I have just described has been done by US forces under the command and direction of George W. Bush. They are all acts of absolute tyanny, conducted by people who at that moment are absolute tyrants. TPC In an aside to his dismemberment of Douglas Kmiec's bizarre op-ed in the Washington Post,* Georgetown's Marty Lederman ("Balkinization") has probably solved why the President sent his thugs over to Ashcroft's hospital bed that night to collect his signature instead of acting Attorney General Comey's. (Recall that Comey said it was a "complicated question" why his signature was needed.) The first reason Lederman advances is "...to give some comfort to the NSA. If you were NSA General Counsel, how would you react if the President asked you to engage in conduct that is on its face criminal; if you learned that Jack Goldsmith and John Ashcroft of all officials, concluded that there was no legal way around the statutory restriction and refused to be associated with it; and if the only justification the President offered you for obeying his order was that he was adopting David Addington's, uh, shall we say idiosyncratic, view of the Commander-in-Chief Clause, notwithstanding that such attorneys as Goldsmith and Ashcroft thought it was untenable?"Plausible, but I think Bush would have been just as willing to push around the NSA general counsel as he was willing to try to put a pen in a drugged-up Ashcroft's hands. But Lederman's second reason pits Bush against someone he couldn't bully quite as easily: Second, the AG signature might have been necessary to induce the requisite private actors -- telcom companies in particular -- to continue to go along with the program.In other words, TPC -- The Phone Company -- forced Bush's hand. ===== * I wondered what Kmiec was smoking when I read his final paragraph. Lederman was similarly puzzled. ** Emphases in original; links to Cornell Law LII entries added. UPDATE, 5/18: Writing for the excellent WIRED Magazine blog "Threat Level," Ryan Singel thinks Lederman may be wrong with his telcom theory: "Two reasons why: Qwest asked for such a paper and never got it. Why would the others get it? And more to the point, the Administration is pushing language that would immunize telcos from lawsuits accusing the companies of illegally helping the government. Why push that provision if the telcos already are holding get out [of] federal court free cards?"As I respond there, I don't think those are strong objections. Qwest's experience doesn't show what happened to other telcoms -- and at least for a couple of weeks, there weren't any "get out of court free cards." The retroactive nature of the immunization legislation Singer mentions may actually be motivated, in part, by the two week gap that Lederman (and Senator Feinstein, in the hearing) pointed out. (See "For Impeachment," below, for links and text). Thursday, May 17, 2007
"We just want it to be over" At the end of his column today about Republicans in disarray, on the run from Rep. Waxman, and turning on eachother, columnist Robert Novak reports this plaintive bleat: "We're not hostile to the administration," one prominent conservative House member who did not want his name used told me. "We just want it to be over."I see some common ground here. Wednesday, May 16, 2007
For impeachment As is well known, James Comey gave explosive testimony (transcript) before the Senate Judiciary Committee yesterday concerning his standoff with Alberto Gonzales and Andrew Card over the approval of a secret program. Here's a video of some of that testimony. The encounter had been reported by James Risen and Eric Lichtblau in January 2006, but Comey's testimony provides more detail about now-Attorney General Gonzales and President Bush's roles. Glenn Greenwald makes a number of good observations, as usual, including this one, about Comey and Mueller preparing for Gonzales/Card arrival at Ashcroft's bedside by ordering FBI agents not to allow Comey to be removed from the room*: Comey and Mueller were clearly both operating on the premise that Card and Gonzales were basically thugs. Indeed, Comey said that when Card ordred him to the White House, Comey refused to meet with Card without a witness being present, and that Card refused to allow Comey's summoned witness (Solicitor General Ted Olson) even to enter Card's office. These are the most trusted intimates of the White House -- the ones who are politically sympathetic to them and know them best -- and they prepared for, defended themselves against, the most extreme acts of corruption and thuggery from the President's Chief of Staff and his then-legal counsel (and current Attorney General of the United States).Marty Lederman ("Balkinization") goes further -- "Comey Testifies that the President Broke the Law." Lederman summarizes: Comey testified as follows:Lederman repeats the point today: The President signed the directive himself, and allowed the NSA program to continue for at least two weeks, even though DOJ had concluded that it was legally indefensible, i.e., that it violated a criminal statute.(All emphases in original.) At minimum, Gonzales has deserved impeachment for his untruthful testimony about the US Attorney scandal and his role in that abuse of power to thwart criminal investigations and intimidate voter registration campaigns. Comey's testimony is icing on the cake in that respect; though I don't know whether Gonzales' different office at that time (counsel to the President) would have some bearing legally, it ought not to as a matter of his fitness for the office of Attorney General. But it seems to me Comey's testimony is a "smoking gun" for impeaching the President and convicting him of a "high crime and misdemeanor" as well. Now I'm not the legal expert Lederman is, so when he fails to draw a conclusion I should be careful to supply one. But as I understand Comey's testimony, the President allowed an illegal program to proceed while adjustments were made to make it legal again. For instance: SPECTER: You had faced up to Card and Gonzales and Vice President Cheney and Addington, had a difference of opinion. You were the acting attorney general, and that was that. Why consider resigning?Later: FEINSTEIN: And what was the elapsed period of time from that meeting, the denial of DOJ to certify the program and the time when it was essentially certified?Comey's a careful guy, as is Lederman, and so there may be some loophole here that I don't yet understand. But it's difficult for me to put any other face on this than that -- given what Comey was telling him -- the President was at best criminally negligent in allowing a program to continue for weeks after learning his acting Attorney General found it had no legal basis. And at not-too-unlikely worst, of course, Bush was just the top thug ordering his consigliere thug Gonzales to go to the hospital and squeeze a go-ahead fig leaf out of an ailing Ashcroft for a program that he already knew was legally out of bounds. (All the talk of there not being a statutory requirement for an Attorney General's signature can't get around the great and unseemly lengths Gonzales and Card -- and through them, George W. Bush -- went to to get one.) There have been ample grounds to consider impeachment before -- from approving torture in contradiction to treaty obligations, U.S. law, and common decency, to approving warrantless surveillance in contradiction to U.S. law, to presiding over a blatantly fraudulent campaign to convince Congress and the public of the need to go to war with Iraq, costing tens of thousands of lives. Yesterday's Senate Judiciary Committee hearing adds sworn, smoking gun testimony about serious, unlawful presidential conduct to that bill of particulars. Impeach President George W. Bush. ===== * This testimony is on the video at around the 6:30 mark. UPDATE, 5/16: A Talking Points Memo reader hits another nail on the head (emphasis added): It’s time that the Democrats in Congress blew the lid off of the NSA’s surveillance program. Whatever form it took for those years was blatantly illegal; so egregious that by 2004, not even the administration’s most partisan members could stomach it any longer. We have a right to know what went on then. We publicize the rules under which the government can obtain physical search warrants, and don’t consider revealing those rules to endanger security; there’s no reason we can’t do the same for electronic searches. The late-night drama makes for an interesting news story, but it’s really beside the point. The punchline here is that the President of the United States engaged in a prolonged and willful effort to violate the law, until senior members of his own administration forced him to stop. That’s the Congressional investigation that we ought to be having.EDIT, 5/17: video aligned to right side of page. Monday, May 14, 2007
Department of followups: terraforming, Wal-Mart, Bosnia, coffee, Gilliard An occasional review of further developments in stuff I've written about before. In an effort to ameliorate the effects of global warming, several groups are working on ventures to grow vast floating fields of plankton intended to absorb carbon dioxide from the atmosphere and carry it to the depths of the ocean. It is an idea, debated by experts for years, that still sounds like science fiction — and some scholars think that is where it belongs. [...]One objection to the "Geritol tablet" global cooling theory are that at least some of the biomass settling to the bottom of the ocean may wind returning to the atmosphere later on as methane or nitrous oxide, both of which are worse greenhouse gases than carbon dioxide. Another problem is that large scale carbon and biomass dumps to the deep sea might well change the chemistry of the deep sea environment, disrupting ecosystems there. Meanwhile, though, at least two companies -- Planktos and Climos -- are looking at the idea. Planktos is sending a ship, Weatherbird II, to the Pacific Ocean area near the Galapagos Islands to measure carbon uptake after iron releases. Wal-Mart is a case study in what is wrong with US labor laws. It is not alone among US companies in its efforts to combat union formation, following the incentives set out in unbalanced US labor laws that tilt the playing field decidedly in favor of anti-union agitation. It is also not alone in violating weak US labor laws and taking advantage of ineffective labor law enforcement. But Wal-Mart stands out for the sheer magnitude and aggressiveness of its anti-union apparatus and actions.Between January 2000 and July 2005, even the NLRB (National Labor Relations Board) found 15 labor law violations by Wal-Mart. The next closest "competitor" was Kroger -- with 2. The HRW report describes a variety of illegal Wal-Mart anti-labor tactics in detail, including Discriminatory Hiring, Firing, Disciplining, and Policy Application; Union Activity Surveillance; “Unit Packing” and Worker Transfers to Dilute Union Support; Addressing Worker Concerns to Undermine Union Activity; Threatening Benefit Loss if Workers Organize; Interrogating Workers about Union Activity; Illegal No-Talking Rules; Discriminatory Application of Solicitation Rules; Illegal No-Solicitation Rules; and Confiscating Union Literature. There's also a chapter on the Loveland, Colorado case I wrote about a couple of times back in early 2005 (see "Wal-Mart wins another one".) Lawyers interviewed in The Hague and Belgrade said that the outcome might well have been different had the International Court of Justice pressed for access to the full archives, and legal scholars and human rights groups said it was deeply troubling that the judges did not subpoena the documents directly from Serbia. At one point, the court rebuffed a Bosnian request that it demand the full documents, saying that ample evidence was available in tribunal records. [...]I've meant to write about this in its own post, but couldn't figure out what else to say beyond spluttering in disgust. So rather than lose sight of it altogether, I'm just putting down a marker here. It seems to me there's a back story waiting to be reported on this. One involves the "controversy" of whether Serbia and Montenegro could be held to account under international law, since this "rump Yugoslavia" was not strictly the former republic of Yugoslavia (FRY) in and of itself. A second, deeper controversy involved some judges' 1996 opposition to the whole idea of holding nations -- rather than individuals -- accountable for genocide: In [Judges Shi Jiuyong's and Vereshchetin's] view, the Convention on Genocide was essentially and primarily designed as an instrument directed towards the punishment of persons committing genocide or genocidal acts and the prevention of the commission of such crimes by individuals, and retains that status. The determination of the international community to bring individual perpetrators of genocidal acts to justice, irrespective of their ethnicity or the position they occupy, points to the most appropriate course of action. Therefore, in their view, it might be argued that the International Court of Justice is not the proper venue for the adjudication of the complaints which the Applicant has raised in the current proceedings.A remarkable view for a judge on the International Court of Justice! This view didn't prevail in 1996, but it was co-authored by a judge (China's Shi Jiuyong) who was among the majority finding against Bosnia this February. As before, it seems to me that justice for Bosnians and Srebrenicans has foundered on legal pedantry and shortsightedness. Tadesse Meskela, the representative of the Oromia Coffee Farmers Cooperative Union in Southern Ethiopia, seeks to circumvent the global commodity exchanges by tirelessly traveling the world selling premium grade coffee directly to coffee roasters who will pay more for his high grade product and who support the idea of paying farmers a living wage. He returns the profits to the cooperative members who use the extra income to build the schools and infrastructure needed to develop their communities. ===== NOTES: "Recruiting Plankton" item via Enrique Gili ("commonground"), who also linked my 2002 post (thanks); Human Rights Watch Wal-Mart report via Jonathan Tasini. Gilliard via digby and Avedon Carol. 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