Summary: This report reviews available statistics regarding reasons given for obtaining abortions in the United States, including surveys by the Alan Guttmacher Institute and data from seven state health/statistics agencies that report relevant statistics (Arizona, Florida, Louisiana, Minnesota, Nebraska, South Dakota, and Utah). The official data imply that AGI claims regarding "hard case" abortions are inflated by roughly a factor of three. Actual percentage of U.S. abortions in "hard cases" are estimated as follows: in cases of rape or incest, 0.3%; in cases of risk to maternal health or life, 1%; and in cases of fetal abnormality, 0.5%. About 98% of abortions in the United States are elective, including socio-economic reasons or for birth control. This includes about 25% for primarily economic reasons.
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Further, the prevailing preferences of the American electorate are often cited in reference to U.S. abortion legislation. Some will claim, for example, that most Americans support legal abortion. While majority vote is an unconstitutional means of limiting human rights (regardless of what position on abortion one thinks is the one consistent with human rights), the claim itself is a half-truth. Most Americans would oppose banning abortions for hard cases, but at the same time most Americans would support limits on elective abortions, e.g. abortions for convenience or for sex selection.
This article will review some available data that addresses the reasons cited for abortions in the United States.
The 1987 AGI study, published in 1988, [3] surveyed 1,900 women who had abortions. The results of this survey are among the most commonly cited figures regarding reasons for abortions in the United States. The 1,773 women who responded gave an average of 3.7 reasons from the list, with the most important reasons cited by respondents tabulated below. It should be noted that only rounded percentages, not raw numbers, were provided; an AGI review article in 1998 [4] referenced the 1988 study but gave slightly different figures, shown below in parenthesis (the parenthetical figure for rape and incest is a range of uncertainty derived from breakdowns in the 1988 report).
| reason | % of abortions | |
|---|---|---|
| rape or incest | 1 | (0.4-1.3) |
| mother has health problems | 3 | (2.8) |
| possible fetal health problems | 3 | (3.3) |
| unready for responsibility | 21 | |
| is too immature or young to have child | 11 | (12.2) |
| woman's parents want her to have abortion | <0.5 | |
| has problems with relationship or wants to avoid single parenthood | 12 | (14.1) |
| husband or partner wants her to have abortion | 1 | |
| has all the children she wanted or all children are grown | 8 | (7.9) |
| can't afford baby now | 21 | (21.3) |
| concerned about how having baby would change her life | 16 | |
| doesn't want others to know she had relations or is pregnant | 1 | |
| other | 3 | |
Another AGI study[8], conducted in 2000-2001, examined contraceptive use but provides some information relating to reasons for abortion. Some data from this survey of 10,683 women obtaining abortions is given below:
| reason or situation | number | % of abortions | |
|---|---|---|---|
| not using contraception | 4,957 | 46.40 | |
| forced to have relations | ~64 | 0.6 | |
| using contraception | 5,726 | 53.60 | |
| contraceptive failed despite proper use | ~1,808 | 16.9 | |
| total | 10,683 | 100 | |
In this survey, 0.6% reported being forced to have relations (although a figure as high as 0.8% is possible depending on data breakdown). It is also interesting to note that 17% of abortions were for pregnancies following "proper" use of contraception. This would tend to undermine the claims regarding the efficacy of contraception methods, something highly promoted by groups such as Planned Parenthood.
An AGI study published in 2005 [22] was modeled after the 1987 study, providing an update to that work. This survey was conducted from December 2003 to March 2004; of approximately 2,000 women obtaining abortions who were surveyed, 1,209 completed questionnaires. As with the 1987, only rounded percentages as opposed to raw numbers were reported. Again, respondents could give multiple reasons, and the median number of four reasons were given. The table below gives reported percentages for the most important reason and for all reasons cited.
| reason | % of abortions, most important reason | % of abortions, all reasons |
|---|---|---|
| rape | <0.5 | (1) |
| incest | (<0.5) | |
| mother has health problems | 4 | (12) |
| possible fetal health problems | 3 | (13) |
| unready | 25 | (32) |
| is too immature or young to have child | 7 | (22) |
| woman's parents want her to have abortion | <0.5 | (6) |
| has problems with relationship or wants to avoid single parenthood | 8 | (48) |
| husband or partner wants her to have abortion | <0.5 | (14) |
| has all the children she wanted or all children are grown | 19 | (38) |
| can't afford baby now | 23 | (73) |
| --unmarried | (42) | |
| --student or planning to study | (34) | |
| --can't afford baby and child care | (28) | |
| --can't afford basic life needs | (23) | |
| --unemployed | (22) | |
| --can't leave job to care for baby | (21) | |
| --would have to find new place to live | (19) | |
| --not enough support from husband/partner | (14) | |
| --husband/partner unemployed | (12) | |
| --currently on welfare or public assistance | (8) | |
| concerned about how having baby would change her life | (74) | |
| --would interfere with education plans | 4 | (38) |
| --would interfere with career plans | (38) | |
| --would interfere with care of children or dependents | (32) | |
| doesn't want others to know she had relations or is pregnant | <0.5 | (25) |
| other | 6 |
Recent AGI literature has given figures of abortions following rape or incest. For example, an April 2005 information sheet [24] states that about 13,000 women have abortions following rape or incest. This is 1.0% of AGI-estimated annual abortions in 2000-2002. This figure appears to be derived from the 1987 survey percentage (or from preliminary results of the 2004 survey).
If the AGI figure for 1987 is correct, it would imply that 15,600 abortions in 1987 were for such cases.[5] Since the FBI only reported 91,110 forcible rapes in the U.S. in that year[6], this would imply that one out of six rapes resulted in pregnancy. This is higher fraction than appears to be supported by medical research--although the degree to which rapes go unreported is an issue here.
According to the FBI, reported annual numbers of rapes rose from just over 90,000 in the late 1980s to a peak of 109,000 in 1992, then dropped to about 90,000 for the years 1999-2002. Some sources estimate much larger unreported numbers. Stewart and Trussell [26] cite 333,000 rapes and sexual assaults reported in 1998, and additionally cite a National Women's Study which claimed 683,000 rapes in 1992. The latter figure would mean 5.3 unreported rapes for every reported rape. The wide range in estimates of unreported rapes is evidence of the problem of quantifying these figures.
Another issue is the frequency of rape-related pregnancy. Some sources claim very low frequencies, citing medical studies, and concluding the total number of pregnancies resulting from rape each year is on the order of 200-500.[7] Others obtain somewhat higher frequencies. Holmes et al. [25] surveyed 4,008 women and found a rate of pregnancy following rape of 5%. Additionally, of 34 cases of pregnancy after rape, they found 17 (50%) had an abortion, 11 (32%) kept the baby, 2 (6%) gave the baby up for adoption, and 4 (12%) miscarried. This frequency of 5% is representative of cited values.
Taking currently reported rapes of 90,000 per year and assuming 5% result in pregnancy and 50% of these are aborted, this implies 4,500 pregancies per year following rape of which 2,250 are aborted. The most extreme claimed rates of underreporting are necessary to bring this in line with AGI's claim of 13,000 rape-related abortions per year. Even higher levels of rape-related pregnancies have been claimed: Stewart and Trussell [26] cite the previously mentioned National Women's Study claiming 32,000 per year in 1992, and this figure is repeated by Holmes et al. [25] and by an AGI article in 2002 [23]. Stewart and Trussell extrapolate this to 25,000 per year in 1998 merely by considering lower crime rates. These higher rates are required to support the AGI claim of 1% of abortions for rape. Alternately, if only 50% of rapes are unreported then (using Holmes et al. data) a percentage of only 0.35% of abortions for rape is implied.
Such statistical approaches are very uncertain. The reasons for abortion are of course self-reported by the abortion seeker and thus not verifiable. It could be hypothesized that for various reasons women seeking abortions might falsely give rape as a reason, or alternately conceal rape as a reason. Apart from the issue of the rate of underreporting, certainly it is the case that many rapes go unreported. Thus, rape-related abortion data interpretation is hampered by the particularly traumatic circumstances of such cases. Nonetheless, it will be seen below that the larger sampling in states that report figures for rape-related abortions give consistent results, supporting the reasoning for lower figures than the AGI figures.
A study reported in JAMA in 1998[9] reported a 0.2% decrease in the ratio of male to female live births in the United States from 1970 to 1990. The authors of the 1998 study discuss a variety of health factors that could influence this ratio, and the male/female birth ratio is sufficiently dependent on health that no conclusions can be drawn from these figures regarding sex selection abortions in the U.S. The authors do not discuss abortion as a possible cause for the change, however.
Data from the CDC in 2002[10] suggested that the decrease was 0.3% from 1970 to 2000. In 2005 the CDC completed a more detailed analysis[11] of trends in the U.S. male/female birth ratio. The authors identified several up or down trends in the ratio between 1940 and 2002, including a 0.6% decline in the male/female birth ratio from 1970 to 2002. They analyzed possible factors (age of mother, birth order, ethnicity) and noted additional parental/environmental characteristics that naturally influence the birth ratio. They did note that family preference can affect the birth ratio (although they did not explicitly point out that this is via such means as sex selection abortions) and does in some country, but do not report any indication that it is a factor in the United States. The historical variation in U.S. male/female birth ratio is within the range observed in connection to biological influences (e.g. parental/environmental).
A mere 0.44% of abortions in 2000 corresponds to 5,800 pregnancies.[12] Still, no conclusion can be drawn except that abortions for sex selection are not having a discernable impact on the male/female birth ratio in the United States.
| reason | 1985 | 1986 | 1987 | 1988 | 1989 | 1990 | 1991 | 1992 | 1993 | 1994 | 1995 |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| medical | 16 | 7 | 11 | 11 | 7 | 10 | 3 | 6 | 11 | 9 | 17 |
| elective | 15,274 | 14,300 | 15,228 | 14,068 | 11,078 | 13,075 | 13,504 | 12,709 | 11,739 | 11,891 | 10,588 |
| unknown | 314 | 148 | 376 | 271 | 490 | 805 | 375 | 178 | 102 | 360 | 1,133 |
| total | 15,604 | 14,455 | 15,615 | 14,350 | 11,575 | 13,890 | 13,882 | 12,893 | 11,852 | 12,260 | 11,738 |
| reason | 1996 | 1997 | 1998 | 1999 | 2000 | 2001 | 2002 | 2003 | total 1985-2003 | % of abortions | % of abortions, known reasons |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| medical | 10 | 6 | 12 | 19 | 15 | 10 | 21 | 43 | 244 | 0.10 | 0.11 |
| elective | 10,768 | 11,012 | 14,144 | 10,390 | 9,614 | 8,210 | 9,910 | 9,602 | 227,104 | 97.21 | 99.89 |
| unknown | 90 | 3 | 450 | 247 | 2 | 6 | 466 | 449 | 6,265 | 2.68 | N/A |
| total | 10,868 | 11,021 | 14,606 | 10,656 | 9,631 | 8,226 | 10,397 | 10,094 | 233,613 | 100.00 | 100.00 |
REASONS GIVEN FOR ABORTIONS: FLORIDA [14]
| reason | 1998 | 1999 | 2000 | 2001 | 2002 | 2003 | total 1998-2003 | % of abortions | % of abortions, known reason |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| physical condition | 401 | 346 | 453 | 350 | 439 | 514 | 2,503 | 0.48 | 0.48 |
| mental condition | 159 | 150 | 143 | 109 | 72 | 80 | 713 | 0.14 | 0.14 |
| abnormal fetus | 470 | 474 | 430 | 454 | 482 | 457 | 2,767 | 0.53 | 0.53 |
| personal choice | 80,889 | 82,589 | 87,199 | 84,343 | 86,445 | 88,409 | 509,874 | 98.35 | 98.36 |
| other | 416 | 412 | 330 | 314 | 521 | 535 | 2,528 | 0.49 | 0.49 |
| unknown | 0 | 0 | 8 | 19 | 5 | 0 | 32 | 0.01 | N/A |
| total | 82,335 | 83,971 | 88,563 | 85,589 | 87,964 | 89,995 | 518,417 | 100.00 | 100.00 |
REASONS GIVEN FOR ABORTIONS: LOUISIANA [15]
| reason | 1996 | 1997 | 1998 | 1999 | 2000 | 2001 | 2002 | total 1996-2002 | % of abortions | % of abortions, known reason |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| rape or incest | 4 | 4 | 3 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 0 | 14 | 0.02 | 0.49 |
| physical health | 8 | 17 | 19 | 16 | 14 | 8 | 3 | 85 | 0.11 | 2.98 |
| mental health | 392 | 415 | 164 | 77 | 140 | 52 | 37 | 1,277 | 1.60 | 44.84 |
| risk of fetal deformity | 9 | 21 | 7 | 9 | 13 | 10 | 7 | 76 | 0.10 | 2.67 |
| other | 114 | 421 | 250 | 258 | 192 | 143 | 18 | 1,396 | 1.75 | 49.02 |
| unknown | 11,357 | 10,861 | 10,908 | 11,647 | 11,024 | 10,718 | 10,386 | 76,901 | 96.43 | N/A |
| total | 11,884 | 11,739 | 11,351 | 12,008 | 11,384 | 10,932 | 10,451 | 79,749 | 100.00 | 100.00 |
REASONS GIVEN FOR ABORTIONS: MINNESOTA [16]
| reason* | Oct-Dec1998 | 1999 | 2000 | 2001 | 2002 | 2003 | 2004 | total Oct1998-Dec2003 | % of abortions | % of abortions, known reason | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| rape | 30 | 113 | 124 | 98 | 81 | 75 | 69 | 590 | 0.66 | 1.06 | |
| incest | 2 | 3 | 6 | 7 | 14 | 9 | 6 | 47 | 0.05 | 0.08 | |
| emotional health | 270 | 653 | 793 | 859 | 844 | 1,001 | 1,019 | 5,439 | 6.09 | 9.73 | |
| physical health | 149 | 510 | 584 | 636 | 622 | 844 | 778 | 4,123 | 4.62 | 7.37 | |
| pregnancy will impair major bodily function | 22 | 49 | 44 | 34 | 30 | 27 | 31 | 237 | 0.27 | 0.42 | |
| fetal anomalies | 86 | 177 | 210 | 158 | 113 | 147 | 133 | 1,024 | 1.15 | 1.83 | |
| economic reasons | 734 | 1,601 | 2,379 | 2,512 | 2,546 | 2,499 | 2,647 | 14,918 | 16.70 | 26.68 | |
| does not want children now | 1,215 | 4,449 | 5,618 | 6,482 | 6,080 | 5,655 | 5,124 | 34,623 | 38.77 | 61.91 | |
| other elective* | 779 | 2,854 | 3,315 | 3,227 | 2,239 | 2,479 | 2,510 | 17,403 | 19.49 | 31.12 | |
| --single parent | 749 | 788 | 724 | 359 | 802 | 752 | 4,174 | 4.67 | 7.46 | ||
| --to pursue educational goals | 551 | 754 | 872 | 419 | 500 | 270 | 3,366 | 3.77 | 6.02 | ||
| --already have enough children | 362 | 406 | 369 | 368 | 351 | 230 | 2,086 | 2.34 | 3.73 | ||
| --relationship issues | 307 | 490 | 498 | 356 | 335 | 182 | 2,168 | 2.43 | 3.88 | ||
| --other | 885 | 1,604 | 1,294 | 1,009 | 1,109 | 1,242 | 7,143 | 8.00 | 12.77 | ||
| unknown | 1,371 | 6,674 | 4,767 | 4,618 | 5,054 | 5,460 | 5,440 | 33,384 | 37.38 | N/A | |
| total | 3,508 | 14,342 | 14,477 | 14,833 | 14,186 | 14,174 | 13,788 | 89,308 | 100.00 | 100.00 | |
REASONS GIVEN FOR ABORTIONS: NEBRASKA [17]
| reason* | 2001 | 2002 | 2003 | 2004 | total 2001-2004 | % of abortions |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| rape | 18 | 11 | 10 | 18 | 57 | 0.29 |
| incest | 0 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 3 | 0.02 |
| maternal life endangered | 6 | 1 | 6 | 8 | 21 | 0.11 |
| maternal physical health | 48 | 45 | 160 | 85 | 338 | 1.75 |
| mental health | 691 | 667 | 733 | 316 | 2,407 | 12.46 |
| fetal anomaly | 25 | 17 | 35 | 11 | 88 | 0.46 |
| socio-economic | 2,550 | 2,567 | 3,096 | 3,240 | 11,453 | 59.27 |
| contraceptive failure | 750 | 687 | 766 | 1,047 | 3,250 | 16.82 |
| no contraception used | 850 | 766 | 1,185 | 850 | 3,651 | 18.89 |
| unknown | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0.00 |
| total | 3,982 | 3,775 | 5,992 | 5,576 | 19,325 | 100.00 |
REASONS GIVEN FOR ABORTIONS: SOUTH DAKOTA [18]
| reason | 1999 | 2000 | 2001 | 2002 | 2003 | total 1999-2003 | % of abortions | % of abortions, known reason |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| rape or incest | 12 | 16 | 14 | 20 | 21 | 83 | 1.55 | 1.59 |
| substantial/irreversible bodily impairment | 7 | 9 | 19 | 16 | 16 | 67 | 1.25 | 1.29 |
| emotional health | 28 | 51 | 84 | 94 | 104 | 361 | 6.73 | 6.92 |
| can't afford child | 176 | 233 | 353 | 384 | 366 | 1,512 | 28.19 | 29.00 |
| doesn't want child | 459 | 503 | 547 | 536 | 525 | 2,570 | 47.92 | 49.30 |
| other | 110 | 139 | 144 | 103 | 124 | 620 | 11.56 | 11.89 |
| unknown | 15 | 41 | 34 | 27 | 33 | 150 | 2.80 | N/A |
| total | 807 | 992 | 1,212 | 1,180 | 1,189 | 5,363 | 100.00 | 100.00 |
REASONS GIVEN FOR ABORTIONS: UTAH [19]
| reason | 1996 | 1997 | 1998 | 2000 | 2001 | 2002 | 2003 | total 1996-2003 | % of abortions | % of abortions, known reason |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| rape | 38 | 39 | 28 | 44 | 30 | 11 | 3 | 193 | 0.84 | 0.84 |
| incest | 2 | 3 | 1 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 6 | 0.03 | 0.03 |
| maternal life endangered | 19 | 10 | 5 | 8 | 6 | 11 | 10 | 69 | 0.30 | 0.30 |
| fetal malformation | 21 | 17 | 5 | 7 | 20 | 8 | 8 | 86 | 0.37 | 0.38 |
| HIV positive | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 1 | 1 | 0.00 | 0.00 |
| therapeutic | 3,154 | 3,054 | 3,184 | 3,206 | 3,289 | 3,251 | 3,304 | 22,442 | 97.75 | 98.04 |
| elective | 3 | 2 | 0 | 4 | 25 | 13 | 4 | 51 | 0.22 | 0.22 |
| other | 39 | 2 | 1 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 42 | 0.18 | 0.18 |
| unknown | 17 | 13 | 13 | 10 | 2 | 6 | 8 | 69 | 0.30 | N/A |
| total | 3,293 | 3,140 | 3,237 | 3,279 | 3,372 | 3,300 | 3,338 | 22,959 | 100.00 | 100.00 |
Together, the available statistics from these seven states represent 968,734 abortions. The definitions and reporting of reasons vary from state to state. It should be noted that these states are not necessarily representative of the nation as a whole; some implications of this are analyzed below.
| region | year(s) | stated % of abortions in cases of rape | forcible rapes during sample period [6] | abortions in cases of rape as a percentage of reported rapes | implied U.S. number of abortions in cases of rape in 2002 | % of 2002 abortions [20] |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Louisiana | 1996-2002 | 0.49 | 11,090 | 3.53 | 3,360 | 0.26 |
| Minnesota | 1998-2004 | 0.66 | 13,543 | 4.36 | 3,940 | 0.30 |
| Nebraska | 2001-2004 | 0.31 | 1,354 | 4.43 | 4,220 | 0.33 |
| South Dakota | 1999-2003 | 1.55 | 1,707 | 4.86 | 4,630 | 0.36 |
| Utah | 1996-2003 | 0.87 | 7,019 | 2.84 | 2,700 | 0.21 |
| USA (AGI survey) | 1987 | 1 | 91,110 | 17.11 | 16,300 | 1.26 |
| USA (AGI survey) | 2000-2001 | 0.6 | 180,677 | 8.69 | 8,300 | 0.64 |
| USA (AGI survey) | 2004 | 0.5 1 | 72,240 | 8.95 17.90 | 8,090 16,200 | 0.63 1.25 |
The data for the five states listed give quite consistent results--results significantly below figures based on AGI studies. The correlation between the numbers of abortions reported in cases of rape and respective state rates of forcible rape tend to support the credibility of these figures. If the various assumptions used here are valid, they would imply only about 0.3% of abortions nationwide are in cases of rape.
Similarly, if it is assumed that abortions in cases where there are maternal or fetal health problems are a consistent fraction of pregnancies, the implied nationwide percentages in such cases would be as follows:
| region | year(s) | % of abortions where mother's health is cited | number of abortions | total known pregancies [21] | cited abortions as a percentage of known pregnancies | implied U.S. number of abortions in such cases in 2002 | % of 2002 abortions [20] |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Arizona | 1985-2003 | 0.10 | 244 | 1,644,241 | 0.015 | 800 | 0.06 |
| Florida | 1998-2003 | 0.48 | 2,503 | 1,739,062 | 0.144 | 7,650 | 0.59 |
| Louisiana | 1996-2002 | 0.11 | 85 | 544,101 | 0.016 | 850 | 0.07 |
| Minnesota | 1998-2004 | 4.89 | 4,360 | 521,678 | 0.836 | 44,400 | 3.43 |
| Nebraska | 2001-2004 | 1.86 | 359 | 118,232 | 0.304 | 16,200 | 1.25 |
| South Dakota | 1999-2003 | 1.25 | 67 | 57,412 | 0.117 | 6,220 | 0.48 |
| Utah | 1996-2003 | 0.30 | 69 | 347,640 | 0.020 | 1,060 | 0.08 |
| USA (AGI survey) | 1987 | 3 | 0.867 | 46,100 | 3.57 | ||
| USA (AGI survey) | 2004 | 4 | 0.973 | 51,700 | 4.00 |
ADJUSTED FIGURES FOR ABORTIONS IN THE CASE OF FETAL HEALTH PROBLEMS
| region | year(s) | % of abortions where fetal health is cited | number of abortions | total known pregancies [21] | cited abortions as a percentage of known pregnancies | implied U.S. number of abortions in such cases in 2002 | % of 2002 abortions [20] |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Florida | 1998-2003 | 0.53 | 2,767 | 1,739,062 | 0.159 | 8,450 | 0.65 |
| Louisiana | 1996-2002 | 0.10 | 76 | 544,101 | 0.014 | 740 | 0.06 |
| Minnesota | 1998-2004 | 1.15 | 1,024 | 521,678 | 0.196 | 10,400 | 0.80 |
| Nebraska | 2001-2004 | 0.46 | 42 | 118,232 | 0.036 | 1,910 | 0.15 |
| Utah | 1996-2003 | 0.37 | 87 | 347,640 | 0.025 | 1,330 | 0.10 |
| USA (AGI survey) | 1987 | 3 | 0.867 | 46,100 | 3.57 | ||
| USA (AGI survey) | 2004 | 3 | 0.730 | 38,800 | 3.00 |
| rape | 0.3 % (0.2-0.6 %) |
| incest | 0.03 % (<0.1 %) |
| physical life of mother | 0.2 % (0.1-0.3 %) |
| physical health of mother | 1.0 % (0.1-3 %) |
| fetal health | 0.5 % (0.1-1.0 %) |
| mental health of mother | depends on definition |
| "personal choice" --too young/immature/not ready for responsibility --economic --to avoid adjusting life --mother single or in poor relationship --enough children already | 98% (78-99 %) --(32 %) --25% (21-28 %) --(16 %) --(12-13 %) --(4-8 %) |
Quantifying cases involving the "mental health" of the mother is difficult due to the highly subjective use of this term (as demonstrated by the wide range in percentage of abortions reported for this reason). It is likely that the number of cases involving clinical mental illness falls towards the low end of the range given above.
These official state statistics suggest that the commonly cited AGI figures for the "hard cases" are high, perhaps by a factor of three. In any case, however, there appears to be consensus that the hard cases--rape, incest, life/health of mother or baby--are a very small fraction of cases. They are arguably a poor premise for formulating general public policy regarding abortion. Rather, AGI's surveys of 1987 and 2004 (as well as the detailed statistics from Minnesota) suggest that a significant fraction of abortions are done by mothers who have the means to care for a child, but simply do not want their lives inconvenienced. This is an example of the consequences of the current extreme policy in the United States regarding abortion.
© 2003, 2005 by Wm. Robert Johnston.
Last modified 1 October 2005.
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